How the Deep State Overthrew the Last Nationalist Government of Canada… in 1963!

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As our world continues to be pulled in two opposing directions expressed by the dystopian “end of history” vision of globalists on the one side and the new multi-polar model of “win-win cooperation” espoused by the Russia-China alliance on the other, it is a fitting moment to pause and review some of the leading battles against the hives of Malthusian technocrats who infested western society in the wake of WWII and overthrew the last genuinely nationalist federal government of Canada in 1963.

The Last Nationalist Leader of Canada

The reason for this coup d’état in 1963 (not coincidentally, the same year America’s last great nationalist leader was assassinated) had a lot to do with the Northern Vision and National Development Policy of Canada’s 13th Prime Minister John G. Diefenbaker who fought valiantly to take over the Bank of Canada and led the Conservative Party to its first victory in 22 years in 1957.

The broad scope of his Northern Vision policy would not be permitted to unfold for reasons that none but key officials in London working through Canada’s Privy Council Office and Civil Service would truly know anything about. These same institutions which destroyed the emergence of an American Arctic development agenda in 1958 are behind current NATO-led attempts to thwart Arctic development even now as the China-Russia Polar Silk Road blossoms. These Rhodes Scholar/Fabian infested networks have done everything possible to keep the Arctic a domain of militarization which threatens World War III today.

When John Diefenbaker took power in 1957, the flames of anti-Americanism in Canada had become a raging furnace. This heated sentiment was the product of a social engineering strategy instituted by leading British operatives working within the umbrella group of the Canadian Institute for International Affairs (CIIA) to induce an artificial fear of America. This was done at a time long before America’s imperial character was established over the dead bodies of its moral leaders of the 1960s and when it was still seen as a beacon of anti-colonialism and development.

The Role of the Round Table Movement

The CIIA (since renamed the Canada International Council in 2006) was the Canadian branch of Britain’s Royal Institute for International Affairs (aka: Chatham House) founded in 1919. In America, a branch was set up in 1921 under the title “Council on Foreign Relations” (CFR). The CIIA had been formed in 1928 as a new incarnation of the Cecil Rhodes Roundtable Group and would promote the Empire’s post World War I strategy of dismantling sovereign nation-states using the mechanism of the League of Nations. After the failure of the League in 1940, the CIIA would enforce the new strategy of perverting the United Nations and organized for World Government under new supranational military body of NATO and global banking and regulatory structures.

What the British masters of the CIIA truly feared was that Canada would finally become a sovereign national republic as so many countries were choosing to become throughout the world at this time, under the influence of the United States’ political and economic leadership. Canada’s proximity to the British Empire’s historic nemesis, and vital geographical position between the Soviets and Americans, made the threat of losing this valuable geopolitical territory that much greater, especially as the population of Canada was becoming so prosperous specifically due to their collaboration with the Americans during the post WWII years. Understanding this dynamic is the master key to unlocking all of Canada’s history from 1774 to the present.

The Rise of a Northern Vision

Diefenbaker arose in this context. Speaking to a rally of 5000 supporters in Winnipeg, a vision unheard and unseen in Canadian history swept across the imaginations of all those attending:

“We intend to launch for the future, we have laid the foundations now, the long range objectives of this party. We ask from you a mandate; a new and a stronger mandate, to pursue the planning and to carry to fruition our new national development program for Canada…

This national development policy will create a new sense of national purpose and national destiny. One Canada. One Canada, wherein Canadians will have preserved to them the control of their own economic and political destiny. Sir John A. Macdonald gave his life to this party. He opened the West. He saw Canada from East to West. I see a new Canada- a Canada of the North… We will assist the provinces with their cooperation in the conservation of the renewable natural resources. We will aid in projects which are self-liquidating. We will aid in projects which, while not self-liquidating will lead to the development of the national resources for the opening of Canada’s north land. We will open that north land for development by improving transportation and communication and by the development of power, by the building of access roads. We will make an inventory of our hydroelectric potential… This is the message I give you my fellow Canadians, not one of defeatism. Jobs! Jobs for hundreds of thousands of Canadian people. A new vision! A new hope! A new soul for Canada,”

With this new vision for a transformed Canada, Diefenbaker stormed the campaign trail and beat all expectations by winning every single province in Canada but one. Never before had the Canadian population heard such boldness from a Prime Minister. For most of its history, Canada had been a nation founded upon moderate complacency, while bold risk taking and visionary leaders were for the Americans. Canadians were supposed to be shaped by a British constitution, and not of a revolutionary stock.

The Northern Vision called for building vast roads and resource development complexes across the Arctic along with rail links to Alaska (unbuilt to this day). By 1958 Diefenbaker allocated $75 million for the construction of an advanced industrial-science research city in Frobisher Bay deep within the Northwest Territories (today’s Nunavut) that would accommodate 4,500 workers and their families with all of the comfort of Toronto. His monetary policy would involve tax cuts for small businesses, increasing federal grants for hospital construction from $1,000 to $2,000 per bed, increased payments to provinces by $87 million/year. $286 million would be required to assist Atlantic Provinces in energy development. Sweeping price controls, advanced payments to farmers and parity pricing were also instituted to protect the farmers from foreign dumping as well as stimulate increased production. In all, public works expenditures alone would total $1,185 million according to this first budget.

During a radio announcement of July 14, 1958, Diefenbaker outlined his view of the role of productive credit within a developing system;

“This, the largest financial project in our history, offers an opportunity to all holders of victory bonds which were purchased as an act of patriotic faith during the war years, to re-invest them for the greater development of greater Canada. These monies that were advanced during the days of war, and which contributed to the victory, we now ask to be made available to speed the pace of peaceful progress and the program of national development… The action we are taking will make it possible for our nation to embark on a new era of peacetime prosperity far and beyond anything we have ever known.”

This was the first self-conscious idea in Canadian history where a National Bank was to be used for the purpose of generating anti-inflationary credit driven by a greater national mission in a time of peace. Up until this point, this principle had only been successfully expressed under the 1st and 2nd National Banking system of Alexander Hamilton and Nicholas Biddle, Abraham Lincoln’s Hamiltonian credit system of “greenbacks” during the Civil War, and Franklin Roosevelt’s use of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation during the New Deal. Nothing could induce such fear in the British Empire than witnessing its own prize colony in North America adopt an outlook and mechanism for carrying it out whose nature was to bring it to a truly sovereign status alongside Britain’s mortal enemy. The British oligarchy was so fearful of the American System that 200+ years of anti-Hamilton/pro-Jefferson-Jackson propaganda has been fed down the throats of unwitting citizens who have been led to believe that Hamilton was a Rothschild stooge while Andrew Jackson (the actual Rothschild stooge who nearly destroyed the USA) was an American hero.

Sadly, the full fruition of Diefenbaker’s policy would not be permitted to come into being.

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The Fight for a National Bank

Diefenbaker would require full cooperation from the Bank of Canada in order for the New National Policy to succeed. Since the Bank of Canada (unlike the Federal Reserve in the United States) was made a 100% publicly owned entity after its nationalization in 1937, it was reasonable to believe that it would be a cooperative instrument in the national mission. What he didn’t realize however, was the role that such British agents were playing within the top echelons of Canada’s Civil Service in undermining nation building strategies. In the case of the Bank of Canada’s Governor James Coyne, Diefenbaker found an enemy that would publicly battle his policy to the point of creating a national scandal resulting in Coyne’s dismissal in 1961.

While vigorously touring Canada, calling for lines of foreign investment to be cut off in the defence of “Canadian sovereignty”, and demanding the nation learn to live off of its own resources and “make due with less”, Coyne- like the austerity-loving IMF technocrats today, worshipped the “balanced budget”. Extolling a policy of “tight money”, Coyne believed that the recession could only be ended if Canada would only cut the budget, and pay its debts. No credit should be spent on development before the debt be paid. This was the same thing puppet President Andrew Jackson did in 1829-1937 by killing the real national bank, and “paying the debt” through the cessation of all national public works thereby unleashing a frenzy of unbounded speculation leading into the Civil War of 1861-1865.

Commenting on Coyne’s ideology, Diefenbaker remarked in his Memoirs:

“Coyne was content to assume that the level of demand would be adequate for sustained growth if our economic policy embraced the goal of “sound money”. He apparently belonged to the economic school which had considered that the only way out of the great depressions was to have more depression and the only way to cure unemployment was to have more unemployment.”

The Deep State Goes on the Attack

For the first time in history, the governor of the Bank of Canada was fired by a Prime Minister. Coyne refused and the controlled media scandal elevated Coyne to a hero against the authoritarian Diefenbaker. This proceeding was reminiscent of what the media attempted to do in elevating James Comey and Robert Mueller to the status of folk heroes fighting against the “corrupt nationalist President Donald Trump” today.

Instead of stepping down as per the request of both the Cabinet and the Bank’s Board of Directors, Coyne held a press conference revealing that he was being unlawfully persecuted by Diefenbaker in order to take the blame for any failure in economic policy up until this point. A protracted fight between Coyne and the government ensued with a bill even passing in parliament forcing his replacement. Finance Minister Fleming commented on the situation: “Coyne had declared war on the government… his actions were part of a clearly calculated attempt to build up controversy.”

While Kennedy had suffered such scoundrels as National Security advisor McGeorge Bundy, advisor George Ball, CIA director John Foster Dulles whispering in his ear, and attempting to shape his perception of reality, Diefenbaker was also not lacking in his share of Iagos. From the Rhodes Scholar and Justice Minister Davie Fulton, and his group of “technocrats” who would go on to reform the Liberal Party in a few years under Trudeau to Diefenbaker’s “trusted” Clerk of the Privy Council R.B. Bryce.

Due to the sage guidance of the likes of Dwight Eisenhower, Eleanor Roosevelt, Gen. Douglas MacArthur and President De Gaulle, JFK soon lost his naïve faith in many agents working within his Cabinet evidenced by his firing of CIA director John Foster Dulles in 1962. Although not having the benefit of many of such positive influences, in later years, Diefenbaker illustrated his awareness of subversive agents infesting the upper levels of the Civil Service who had worked to undermine his administration from within:

“The Civil Service is there to advise on, but not to determine policy. A minister is there to see that government policy is carried out within his department… That said, had I been returned to office in 1965, there would have been some major changes made. It became obvious as soon as we were out of office in 1963 that there were quite a number of senior people in the public service, about whom I had not known, who had simply been underground, quietly working against my government and waiting for the Liberals to return to power.”

While many factors can be attributed to the failure and sabotage of the New National Policy and Northern Vision, none is more important than the complete lack of understanding Diefenbaker suffered regarding the true essence of empire which defined the context in which he operated. While loving republican leaders such as Abraham Lincoln and FDR, Diefenbaker absurdly bragged in his autobiography how proud he was to receive strategic advice regularly from Queen Elizabeth herself!

The Rise of the Deep State of Canada

By 1963 Diefenbaker had fallen from power, and a new regime took over. Round Table controller Walter Gordon, who had played a key role in organizing the Canadian banking sector to launder drug money alongside the Bronfman clan (exposed by the 1978 book Dope Inc) became Finance Minister from 1963 to 1965 and then President of the Privy Council from 1967 to 1968.

Lester B. Pearson, an Oxford Massey Scholar and former assistant in London to Vincent Massey became the vehicle Gordon selected to oversee the transformation of the Liberal Party and the purging of pro-development Liberals who would resist the isolationist monetary policies of Gordon. One of those who would suffer the purge was Henry Erskine Kidd, General Secretary for the Liberal Party who referred to the process led by Gordon as “a palace revolution”.

This transition towards a zero-growth technocracy would also bring various neo-Malthusian ideologues into powerful positions of the Liberal Party, first within the province of Quebec during the “Quiet Revolution” of 1960 and then on the federal level, with the rise of Walter Gordon’s “New Nationalism”. This transition sowed the seeds for the next stage in the imperial paradigm shift with the 1968 “Cybernetics Revolution” of Fabian Society asset Pierre Elliot Trudeau and his colleagues Gérard Pelletier, Jean Marchand, Maurice Lamontagne and René Lévesque who brought in Systems Analysis as a new language for managing governmental affairs as well as the Canadian Club of Rome which had its first 1971 meeting in Montebello Quebec. This meeting birthed what came to be the bible of the neo-Malthusian lobby and today’s Green New Deal under the title Limits to Growth in 1972- ensuring that no “open system” policy of actual nation-building like the Northern Vision would be permitted for another 50 years.

Reviving the Northern Vision Today

Today’s Polar Silk Road which combines the boldest Arctic development strategy ever witnessed in the form of Putin’s northern vision alongside China’s Belt and Road has re-awakened Arctic development for the 21st century. If Canada is going to be relevant in this new age of nationalism, win-win cooperation and long term development, then Diefenbaker’s northern vision will have to be brought back to life alongside projects to finally connect Canada’s rail with Alaska as is now being discussed, as well as Alaska to Russia through the Bering Strait, which is a 140 year old idea whose time has come.

Even though the Canadian politicians who vied for federal office in the past elections had no clue that this was our past and will be our future again (likely in spite of them), the inevitability of Arctic development as a domain for international dialogue and cooperation is not negotiable.

 

The author can be contacted at [email protected] 

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