December 10, 2017 – Fort Russ News – Paul Antonopoulos – translated from Mision Verdad
Uncomfortable electoral processes for the global mediocracy
On July 30 of this year elections for the National Constituent Assembly were held with a participation of 8 million 89 thousand voters, which represented 41.53% of the electoral roll.
This process had an important political significance since it definitively closed the agenda of violence and chaos promoted by opposition leaders with support and funding from the Western powers. More than 140 murdered, hundreds of injured and millionaire damages to public and private goods in different cities, was the balance of this maneuver that tried to displace the chavism of power by unconstitutional ways.
The ANC was proposed by President Nicolás Maduro in May as a political and electoral mechanism to stabilize Venezuela and give a peaceful solution to the conflict. Although the Venezuelan opposition requested sanctions against the United States and the European Union (EU) to, among other things, delegitimize it internationally, the ANC installed itself and began to take decisions in order to consolidate political stability.
On August 12, making use of its constitutional powers, the ANC ordered the elections of governors to be held on October 15. In the midst of internal disputes and a strong rejection of his followers, who had been convinced that attending elections with the current National Electoral Council (CNE) meant backing “the dictatorship”, the main opposition awnings inscribed their candidates.
With an electoral participation of 61.14% of the electoral roll, the chavism obtained 18 governorships (54% of the votes) and the opposition only 5 (45% of the votes). The states Miranda, Lara and Amazonas, recognized opposition strongholds, passed into the hands of Chavez. Trying to avoid the bucket of cold water from the results, the opposition spokesman chanted fraud, an effect that lasted a few days due to the absence of evidence and little international support, except for the predictable pronouncements of the State Department and the EU.
The disputes would intensify days later in the MUD, since four Democratic Action governors were sworn in before the ANC while Primero Justicia and Voluntad Popular branded the action as “a betrayal”.
On October 26, the ANC again ordered that the mayors’ elections be held on December 10, as the municipal offices are already overdue, as well as that of governors before the election, as stipulated in the Venezuelan Constitution.
The US and Luis Almagro criticized the opposition for their participation in the regional elections, so that their staff decided not to attend the following municipal elections. Although the leaders of the main political-electoral formations affirmed that they would sanction militants who registered in the process, they could not avoid that in more than 300 municipalities of the country opponents of different parties entered the contest.
More than 5,000 candidates, according to the CNE, will face each other in the municipal elections. Given that Chavismo organizations have only one candidate in almost all of the municipalities, the vast majority of candidates (an average of 14 per municipality) are from the opposition camp. Recently, the leader Enrique Marquez of A New Time and representative to the Dialogue Table of the Dominican Republic, confirmed that his party’s card was used to register candidates of Acción Democrática, Primero Justicia and Voluntad Popular that did not have the backing of their national addresses.
“The dictatorship”, media, electoral calendar and what is said of Venezuelan democracy
After the revocation referendum was suspended by twelve judicial courts in the country due to fraud, the “dictatorship” speech in Venezuela stopped being rhetoric of a radical segment of the Venezuelan opposition to become a discourse of global propaganda against the country.
The violent protests that shook Venezuela for four months had as one of its main excuses that the CNE had not formalized an electoral calendar for the regional and municipal elections for 2017. A totally false argument since the electoral authority had already determined that the elections would be this year, specifically for July and December.
Julio Borges in February stated that the government was a “dictatorship”, which “had taken the decision not to go to elections” and consequently they would serve to “change the course” of Venezuela.
The high level of violence promoted in the streets served as the table for the global mediocracy to catalog Venezuela as a state that repressed human rights, and Julio Borges and Freddy Guevara to request sanctions from the US and the EU. The Secretary of the Treasury of the USA, Steven Mnuchin, the day he sanctioned President Nicolás Maduro (24 hours before the constituent elections) described him as a “dictator”.
In this way, financial and economic sanctions against Venezuela were given under the excuse that in Venezuela there was no “democracy, rule of law and elections”, even though the CNE had established that the elections of governors and mayors that would be held during the second half of 2017.
And that’s the way it was: once the ANC was installed, the two electoral processes that the CNE had programmed since the end of 2016 were convened. That is to say, Julio Borges and other leaders promoted violent protests in the streets for elections to which, now, it is counterproductive to attend. This is the result of the rejection of their own bases for having failed to fulfill their promises to remove Chavismo from power and then attend regional elections under the current CNE.
Now to delegitimize the elections the Venezuelan opposition resorts to the rhetoric of the “absence of guarantees” for the process, arguing that the relocation of electoral centers that were in redisencial zones victims of the siege of the guarimbas and the “lack of international observation” complicate your chances of winning.
However, the relocation of centers (279 in total) was performed for 2% of the total (13,599). That is to say, an almost null effect on their voting possibilities throughout the country. On the other hand, the electoral observation requested by the opposition is that of the OAS, an institution that has legitimized electoral fraud in Colombia, Mexico, Haiti and recently in Honduras.
The Council of Electoral Experts of Latin America (Ceela), is the organization that has served as an international viewer of the electoral processes in Venezuela, in its extensive career has worked with the OAS and the EU. About the recent processes in Venezuela has highlighted the reliability and security of the system.
For Luis Almagro and the Republican congress lobby of South Florida (Marco Rubio, Ileana Ros, among others) the Ceela is not a reliable observer although he has participated in elections (Nicaragua and Paraguay, for example) where the results have not been questioned by these actors.
It is paradoxical and even laughable that political actors who fought several months for elections, which were never denied by the CNE is worth noting, flee before the opportunity to increase the conquest of municipalities and impose as an electoral majority at the polls. It seems that the slogan “Elections Now” was more a means than an end in itself, in the search to achieve sanctions that would suffocate the country and allow them to come to power under a strategy of economic demolition.
Venezuela beyond the traditional elections, is a political hotbed where participation is exercised at different levels of society, not only in the classical party system. The communal councils, CLAP, UBCH, communes, are just some of the spaces where the muscle of political participation is exercised daily and on concrete problems.
“The Venezuelan dictatorship is not only unique in the hemisphere for the number of times in a year that calls for the population to choose different public offices, but for what goes on under those urns: a country politically mobilized to face your difficulties.
And although in appearance these elections are of second order, in reality they have a cardinal importance: to consolidate the political victory of Chavismo in 2017 on the plans that sought their annihilation as a political force, to add to political stability, to inhibit the narrative of “the dictatorship” “raising the profile of the ANC as a tool for resolving conflicts and imposing character and respect for an intricate 2018.
2017 was the year where they sought to destroy the Constitution, the Venezuelan State and Chavismo, all the resources and devices were aligned according to it. This Sunday will prove, once again, that they could not achieve it.