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    December 30, 2017

    Venezuela and beyond: did the turning point come?

    December 30, 2017 - Fort Russ News - Paul Antonopoulos - Translated from Al-Mayadeen


    CARACAS, Venezuela - When on May 1 of this year Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro called a National Constituent Assembly as a way out of a scenario of political violence that some analysts described as a civil war, few believed that seven months later Chavismo would be celebrating three electoral victories in a row. .

    The truth is that since then the Bolivarians reached the government with 19 of the 23 states, including the emblematic Lara and Miranda, where Chavismo had not governed for a while, and took control of 92% of the municipalities, in addition to eliminating the violent opposition and retake by means of the Constituent the political initiative that had been lost after the defeat in the parliamentary ones of December of 2015.

    That, in the middle of a situation that has led him to lose three important allies in the continent (Argentina, Brazil and Ecuador) and the arrival of Donald Trump to the White House, who has radicalized the political and economic aggression already unleashed by his predecessor Barack Obama who declared Venezuela an "unusual and extraordinary threat" to US national security.

    Although the economic situation is very unfavorable even for the Bolivarian Government, the price of oil has recovered moderately, largely due to the actions promoted by Maduro in OPEC and the CLAPs that have been successful in facing the shortage caused; The financial persecution and induced inflation from abroad have not stopped.

    On the other hand, the recent actions of reorganization and attack against corruption within the strategic mega-company PDVSA, as well as the replacement of former Attorney General Luisa Ortega can place the revolutionary leadership of Maduro in a position to assume the presidential elections of 2018 with a speech that removes the opposition any flag of supposed anti-corruption fight.

    But all this transcends Venezuela a lot. While it is true that since the coup d'état against the government of Manuel Zelaya in Honduras there has been a chain of defeats for anti-imperialist leftist leaderships, it is also true that only in Argentina did this defeat take place through elections, while the most radicalized processes as Bolivia and Venezuela have managed to remain in spite of the media attack and economic war against them, because - although with many limitations - they have endeavored to modify in depth the social and economic structures of capitalist domination.

    The judicialization of the political exercise against leaders like Lula or Cristina, or the bullets against demonstrators that we have seen raining recently in Buenos Aires and Tegucigalpa, as well as the repression against social activists, and the role in all the strategies of the private media. the price to be paid for leaving economic and media power intact in the hands of the oligarchy, believing that once they returned to the only element of power they had lost (the government) they would respect the rules of the democratic game.

    Only in Venezuela, since the Bolivarian Revolution began, the private sector has received about 340 billion dollars at a preferential rate to import final goods or inputs for production, which allowed it to strengthen, flog foreign currency and sabotage the national economy .

    What happened in Ecuador, where the victorious leadership in a tight election has departed from the legacy of the Citizens' Revolution to begin dismantling it without those who brought it to power-the bases and parliamentarians of the Alianza País movement-can do anything but denounce it, It puts into discussion the limitations and personalism of presidential systems where voters are not accountable and there is no possibility of revocation.

    With a consolidation of popular governments in Venezuela and Bolivia, the year 2018 is not promising for neoliberalism in Latin America, the possibility of a return to the government of Lula, with distance the most popular politician in Brazil, the chances of success that give the surveys of Andres Manuel López Obrador in Mexico, a country with a very deep social, political and economic crisis, and the effect of a Donald Trump that is a machine to fabricate antipathies towards the policies of Washington, could mean the beginning of the end of the that Rafael Correa has called the conservative restoration, and then we would have to see if the left have been able to learn from their defeats.

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